Half-a-Year of Science Communication
My opinion of science
communication has changed over the 6 months that I’ve been studying it. Before
starting, I was one of those who insisted that the public understanding of
science could be improved via mass splurging of scientific facts. I was also critical
of the media’s representation of science. At best, I viewed it as inaccurate
and at worst I viewed it as deliberately misleading in order to drive a
journalist’s own personal prejudices.
There have been many studies into
the proportion of science news stories within newspapers. One conducted in 1995
sampled 6000 articles from popular newspapers between 1945 and 1990 (a
preliminary report can be found here).
The authors reported an increase in the proportion of science stories since
1945 (however, there was a peak in the sixties and there has been a decline since).
“It’s all well and good to have a
large number of science stories,” you might say. “But what about the accuracy of these stories?” A really
good accuracy study was performed in 1970 by Philip Tichenor (unfortunately, my
university doesn’t pay for a subscription to SAGE but here’s the article anyway).
In this, Tichenor et al. surveyed
scientists who had contributed to news stories. Of these scientists, 59%
thought science news was generally accurate, while 95% thought that their own
science story was accurate – a clear
disparity between expectation and reality.
More recently, Barbara Moore and Michael Singletary performed a similar study with scientists who had been sources for news
stories. Half of these scientists thought that the news piece they were
involved in was completely accurate. The most commonly reported errors within
these news pieces were that there was inadequate air time to the story, that
some important facts were omitted and that the story was too sensationalised.
These inaccuracies are due to the
differing practices of the scientist and of the journalist. While scientists
rely on cautiously making claims based upon reems of data – journalists must
find a way of making science relevant for those reading it; they must give a scientific paper news value.
To do this, science stories are
often framed in a way that gives the story cultural relevance. Society
therefore has input in the way science is reported since journalists tailor
their story to match the cultural ideals of their audience. Analysing the way stories about nuclear power have changed since 1945 offers a good
method for seeing how cultural perceptions of science drive the way that that science
is reported.
From 1945 until the
early-sixties, there was a dualism in the way nuclear power was reported. On
one hand, many people had actually witnessed a nuclear bomb being detonated in
anger, while on the other nuclear power offered free energy for everyone. It
was this latter category, one of progress, which dominated news reporting during
the fifties. During this time there was even a partial meltdown at a Fermi reactor in Detroit which did little to dilute this message of progress.
In the late-sixties and
early-seventies, the oil producing countries declared numerous oil embargoes. To
ensure energy independence for the USA, President Nixon called for more nuclear
power plants (watch this
video from about 7 minutes). For every positive comment on nuclear power, there was
an equal and opposite negative comment. These negative comments multiplied
after the Three Mile Island disaster in 1979 which illustrated the dangers of
nuclear power. However, people also understood that nuclear energy was an
essential component of power production. During this time, many of the media
reports about nuclear energy focussed on this ‘Faustian bargain’ – a deal which
might harm us in the future but which was required at the time.
Eight years later, the Chernobyl nuclear accident further put nuclear power in a negative light. The news now focussed on stories
of public accountability and the need to reduce the risk of this happening
again. Now that nuclear power is a prominent part of our society, the focus is
on making sure the companies in charge of power plants are accountable and have
put processes in place to reduce the risk.
Stephen Hilgartner and Paulo
Freire argue that for communication to be successful, a common ground must be
found for those involved. When this is found, a dialogue can occur and true
communication is achieved. This view of communication is a long way from my
starting point, that scientists must dictate their facts to the public. Now I
accept that communicators must frame science in order that an audience can
engage with it – this is not the same thing as ‘toning down’ the science.
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